The Afghan Surge

Bad news from Badghis

Monica Bernabe, a Spanish journalist writing on the Afghanistan Analysts Network, says Badghis province is basically a mess.

'Everybody has left because of the fighting', the American Major Richard Wade said in June 2009 to justify why very few civilians could be seen in the Bala Murghab bazaar. 'The Taleban have check points outside the town and force the people to pay if they want to enter', he added. ANA captain Abbasi Ghazanfar described the brutality of the insurgents: 'When they capture an Afghan soldier, they take out their eyes first and afterward behead him. Only those soldiers who are Pashtuns have a chance to save their lives.'

The deteriorating security in Badghis could have implications for other provinces in the north, like Faryab. And the minimal Afghan police/army presence in the province isn't large enough to confront an influx of Taliban (on the contrary: a police official was arrested last month for feeding information to the Taliban).

This is a fairly recent problem. Badghis was relatively quiet until about 2008, when the Taliban started moving into the province, and local residents (particularly non-Pashtuns) started to flee to Herat. The Afghan government signed a truce with the Taliban in Badghis in July 2009, which lasted approximately one afternoon before it collapsed.

I'm not sure how much blame should fall on the Spanish troops and PRT based in Badghis. The small garrison of Spanish soldiers -- 211 of them, based in the provincial capital of Qala-i-Naw, and running occasional patrols in the outlying districts -- certainly didn't practice anything like counterinsurgency.

On the other hand, Badghis is a remote and sparsely-populated province, with a population of maybe a half-million people. Qala-i-Naw is smaller than Marja. And, again, the province was pretty quiet until 2008. So you could argue that NATO was simply matching limited resources to needs.

Why have things fallen apart so quickly? Because of repeated military operations in Helmand and Kandahar:

That year [2008], military operations of British and American forces in the south of Afghanistan pushed the Taleban up north, and a lot of them found a perfect shelter in Bala Murghab: a valley with mainly Pashtun population, with no presence of international troops and near to the border of Turkmenistan, where the Taleban, according to the American troops, get supplies from.

That pattern, unfortunately, could repeat itself again this spring; U.S. officials say hundreds of Taliban fighters fled Marja ahead of Operation Moshtarak, and they have to go somewhere. Lightly-guarded provinces in the north and east are attractive destinations.

One last thing: Bernabe's central argument -- that it might be too late for a strengthened NATO force in Badghis to regain the locals' trust -- is an important one, and it's applicable to other provinces in Afghanistan. It's the central reason why locals in Marja seem so skeptical about NATO's promises of a sustained commitment in the district.

No Comments

Post a Comment

Strategic communications, Taliban-style

ISAF has spent months hyping Operation Moshtarak as the mother of all battles. But why is the Taliban talking up the Marja offensive? To draw ISAF further into a battle that's likely to be expensive -- and unlikely to lead to any major strategic gains.

Afghans prefer Afghan troops

ABC News runs a story today, based on interviews with provincial officials in Afghanistan, that finds many officials prefer a stronger Afghan army to an increased U.S. presence. But is that a false dichotomy?

B'Tselem: Settlements occupy 42 percent of West Bank

Ben-Eliezer makes "secret trip" to Turkey: Israeli TV

CENTCOM talking sense on Hamas and Hizballah

Al-Akhbar: Our weekly brief

Peace Processing

Talking about direct talks: Netanyahu returns to the White House

Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu delivering a statement in Jerusalem on July 1, 2010. (Photo: AFP)
US president Barack Obama will use a White House meeting with Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu to push for an extended West Bank settlement freeze. If Netanyahu doesn't offer one - and the domestic politics are quite difficult for him - it's hard to see any possibility of direct talks with the Palestinian Authority later this year.

The Afghan Surge

Obama's southern strategy

Gen. David Petraeus testifying on Capitol Hill. (Photo: Reuters)
The president's decision to nominate Gen. David Petraeus as the commander of US and NATO forces in Afghanistan won't mean a major change in strategy. But there are mounting reasons for pessimism about current policy, particularly the relentless focus on southern Afghanistan. The deployment of tens of thousands of additional troops to Kandahar and Helmand serves few NATO objectives.

Freedom Flotilla Killings

Anticlimax: How much did the flotilla raid really change regional politics?

A demonstration in London against the Israeli attack on the Gaza-bound flotilla. (Photo: AFP)
It has accelerated Israel's isolation from several of its neighbors and allies; it has sharpened divisions within Turkish domestic politics; it has deepened perceptions that the Obama administration as too close to Israel. And it seems to have had a remarkably minor impact on Palestinian domestic politics.